The shocking, dangerous and unacceptable security lapse during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent Punjab visit has sent shock waves across the country. What is even more shocking is that a section of Congress workers expressed happiness over the security lapse in the State ruled by the party.
What explains this insanity? Can anyone recollect any other instance when the Prime Minister of the land has had to cancel a public engagement because the State Government failed to provide adequate security to him? And, then, as if in a celebratory mode, the Indian Youth Congress chief asks: “Modi ji, how’s Josh!”
The inability of a Congress-ruled State to provide adequate security to the Prime Minister of the land, no less, will continue to bother countrymen for a long time. What should also bother people is how and why the Hate Factory continues to run, always in overdrive.
That the Left ecosystem always hated the BJP is fairly well-known. That the Left ecosystem was always a friend-philosopher-guide to the Congress system is also well-known. That sections of media, academia, and civil society are wedded to anti-BJPism is also clear. A section of them, in fact, appears to be waging an ideological jehad of sorts against the BJP and anything or anyone seen remotely sympathetic to the idea.
This piece, however, is an attempt to understand the functioning of the Hate Factory. A couple of quick examples would be in order.
One, there is an eminent group which claims to be the authority on BJP, but often churns out biased, one-sided narratives. An esteemed member of the group, who has been described as “a noted scholar of contemporary Indian politics” has often stressed that BJP “represents upper castes”. It is now that such biased, one-sided accounts are being challenged with facts, statistics and anecdotal evidence. The same scholar also goes on to claim that Modi’s India is about the rise of “an ethnic democracy”. This charge is then amplified in global media.
Considering that his “BJP being an upper caste outfit” has been conclusively debunked, would it be fair if question marks are raised over his thesis on BJP? Maybe it’s time to counter every biased account, with authentic, fact-based works.
Two, the Hate Factory that has permeated our political system doesn’t augur well for our future. But who is to be blamed for this? A simple exercise would be useful for a fuller understanding. A scan of Prime Ministerial speeches, since 2004, provides interesting insights.
Two examples from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Independence Day speeches (one from his first in 2014, and another from his latest in 2021) would be a good starting point.
In his 2014 speech, PM Modi said: “Today, if we have reached here after Independence, it is because of the contributions of all the Prime Ministers, all the Governments so far, and even the Governments of all the States. I want to express my feelings of respect and gratitude to all those previous Governments and ex-Prime Ministers who have endevaoured to take our present day India to such heights and who have added to the country’s glory”.
In this year’s Independence-Day speech, PM Modi said: The country is remembering every personality, including the revered Bapu… Rani Gaidinliu or the valour of Matangini Hazra in Assam; the country’s first Prime Minister Pandit Nehru ji, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel…”
When a BJP PM acknowledges all previous Prime Ministers and Governments, when a BJP PM specifically refers to Pandit Nehru in his I-Day speech by way of acknowledging his contributions, it shows that finest democratic traditions and principles inform the functioning of the government.
Now, can anyone find parallels in his predecessor, Dr Manmohan Singh’s Independence Day speeches, through the UPA years? While Congress president Sonia Gandhi does find a mention in one of his I-Day speeches, what about other Prime Ministers?
Once this simple exercise is carried out, it becomes crystal clear as to who is on side of Democracy and who is on side of Family. It becomes clear as to who has set examples worthy of emulation, and who has shut the door on non-Family “outsiders”. However, once one shuts the doors on “outsiders”, the process of “Otherisation” begins. This is how the tendency to treat others as “less equals” gains currency.
BJP patriarch L K Advani had to say something interesting about this political culture. In his book “My Country, My Life”, Advani says: “It is essential for each to not look at the other as an ‘enemy’. As far as the BJP is concerned, we view the Congress as an adversary, and not as an enemy. Indeed, the very concept of (an) enemy in a democracy is unhealthy. Unfortunately, the Congress party’s attitude to the BJP is far from healthy. The Congress leadership thinks the BJP is evil”.
Times may have changed, but the mindsets have not. Maybe the Congress can start with an apology for its failure to discharge its Constitutional duty and uphold democratic principles in Punjab.
(The writer, a JNU alumnus, is a political analyst. Views are personal)