JNU is India’s pride. A glorious institution, where even an MNREGA worker’s child or a marginal farmer’s son or daughter gets an equal opportunity to outshine those from elite institutions, has often been cited as an example for other Universities and Institutions of Higher learning. When a child from a most disadvantaged background excels and becomes a leader, Mahatma Gandhi’s and Deen Dayal Upadhaya’s vision is actualized. This is nation-building at its finest.
Those familiar with JNU will agree that an average JNUite has a questioning, probing mind; that he/she will encourage critical thinking. Someone who has lived JNU life will testify that the University encourages a universalistic philosophy, in line with India’s “Vasudhaiv Kutumbkam” ethos.
This is, however, only half the story.
Over the years, we know, JNU has produced, like in Assembly-line production, Marxists and Naxalites of various hues. Again, as is well known, Left ideals are the antithesis of the idea of India. Left’s ideas and ideals, acts and deeds, are often in conflict with interests of India.
Left has often used the JNU ecosystem to produce, perpetuate a regressive, retrograde anti-India ideology. It is here that “tukde tukde” slogans are given by Left’s leading lights, and later endorsed by mainstream political leaders.
It is this ecosystem that questions Jammu & Kashmir’s complete integration with the nation. It is the same ideology that seeks to mainstream separatist leaders in National Capital’s seminar circuits. Ultra-Left groups even put up posters that read “Sansad hai ya suvarbada” in JNU.
It is the same Left ecosystem, nurtured for long in JNU, that “Otherises” non-believers -- ABVP, to cite an example. A reader can very well dismiss this statement as a rhetoric. But an example would illustrate how Left operates, how it perpetuates its hegemony and how it “Otherises” non-believers.
A couple of years ago, a group of School of Social Sciences (SSS) teachers brought out a volume on JNU. Those familiar with SSS know that the School, like many other Schools, is a Left bastion. The said volume is a readable collection of essays on JNU by faculty members, and former students.
For the volume, Editors thought it fit to include contributions from former members / activists of AISF, SFI, AISA, but not from those of ABVP. While Left parties have traditionally dominated JNU Students’ Union elections, ABVP made its strong presence felt in the 1990s, and has grown since.
What is true for the Left ecosystem in JNU is true for them outside, too. JNU Left wields a huge influence in the world of academia and media.
It is in this background that the appointment of the new JNU Vice Chancellor must be viewed.
In its long and illustrious history, JNU has got a woman Vice Chancellor, Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit. She has thus made history. The move must be applauded. This is, however, going to be a crown of thorns. Even if she is a JNU alumna, the Left ecosystem will try to make her life difficult through her tenure.
The new VC has desired to work to further the objectives of National Education Policy, and promote interdisciplinary research. This expression of intent is welcome. At every step, however, her every single move will be put under the scanner.
For instance, sooner or later, there will be a debate on her M Phil and Ph D projects. Her Ph D on “Parliament and Foreign Policy in India: The Nehru Years” begins with a Sanskrit prayer that will resonate far and wide. It says: “Matri Devo Bhava; Pitri Devo Bhava; Acharya Devo Bhava” (Mother, Father, Teacher, all of them are worthy of worshipping).
Some conclusions of her research work are sure to lead to a debate. In her Ph D thesis, she notes: “His (Nehru’s) failure to anticipate the Chinese invasion was due to his excessive idealism and the illusion that modern China continued to cherish all the ancient values… He was more familiar with ancient Chinese history than perhaps with contemporary Chinese politics…”
This assertion doesn’t quite fit with a Nehru quote that she earlier used in her M Phil dissertation. In her M Phil work “Parliament and Foreign Policy: India 1980-1984,” she quotes Nehru as having said: “…I would have resigned but for one thing, and that is my interest in the foreign affairs portfolio. In this field, I came to know much more than anybody else in the country.” The quote is taken from a work of S R Patel.
Debates aside, the appointment of Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit, with over three decades in academia, is a huge step forward for women’s empowerment and diversity and pluralism in the academic world, especially JNU.
While she will be faced with a hostile Left ecosystem, every move to make JNU a proud, worthy partner in nation building, and every initiative towards further fostering academic excellence must be encouraged.
The outgoing VC was from Engineering & Sciences and it was only natural that Sciences got a boost in his tenure. For a nation’s future and identity, Social Sciences are fundamental. It is expected that in the new VC’s term, Social Sciences will get the push that the stream deserves.
A number of initiatives can be thought of, to enrich JNU, and to foster academic excellence, and make the University a proud partner in nation-building.
One, over the last seven-eight years, India has seen transformative changes in many spheres. But there have not been many serious, engaging accounts of such transformation. Can a discussion take place about setting up of a Group or even a Centre, to map, chronicle and document changes in Contemporary India?
Two, in the recent past, some very exciting projects in Popular History have been undertaken by those who don’t quite see themselves as traditional academics. Two important works on Veer Savarkar have come out recently. Can the new VC think of inviting the authors as Guest Teachers, organise Open Sessions, and encourage QnA sessions?
Three, in 1990s, card-carrying Left activist-teachers loved to terrorise non-believers in classrooms, hostels. While the current generation of students must be told about the real character of JNU’s Left ecosystem, no one should be subjected to such discrimination in New India.
Four, JNU had a robust system of affirmative action in the admission process wherein students from backward regions, say, Kalahandi or Santhal Pargana, were given some additional marks to compete against those educated in Metros / urban centres. Can a policy on those lines be reimagined, so as to ensure that the poorest and those from the most disadvantaged regions get an equal opportunity to fulfill their potential?
Five, JNU has long been reviled as an institution “surviving on government / taxpayers’ grants”. Debates aside, can the new VC think of involving JNU alumni in setting up Fellowships / Scholarships / Chairs etc? JNU alumni include politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, teachers, activists, businessmen, and so on. Can they be encouraged to give back to the University?
Six, the scrapping of Article 370 has been one of the most important steps in India’s journey towards complete national integration. JNU’s profile will however always have a blot – that a handful from JNU community, including students, teachers, made common cause with separatists. It would be great, and only enhance JNU’s stature, if the University lends a helping hand to institutions in the Kashmir Valley, and also supports their students, including those who had been displaced in the anti-Hindu violence and terror three decades ago.
With her appointment, the new JNU VC has scripted history. She can now help JNU script history in writing new chapters in nation-building, and encouraging a culture of academic excellence and inclusion, merit and diversity.
(The writer, a JNU alumnus, is a political analyst. Views are personal)