Why Babasaheb Ambedkar Will Continue To Inspire For All Times To Come
In a poll a few years ago, Babasaheb B R Ambedkar was voted as the most influential nation-builder of Modern India -- the greatest.
Every year, on his birth anniversary, as also on his death anniversary, Babasaheb is remembered with gratitude. Political formations of all hues, civil society, common people, join in to pay tributes to the architect of the Constitution. Whether it is his statues or his quotes and exhortations, they inspire one and all.
This is also true that Babasaheb often means different things to different people. Everyone refers to his role in drafting the Constitution. Everyone refers to his lifelong struggle for the downtrodden and those on the fringes, Dalits and Untouchables. His ideas on Partition, Kashmir, Islam, among many diverse subjects, are widely quoted.
It was his quest for a Casteless India, and an equal social order, that had the most lasting impression on Indian Collective Consciousness. When we talk of “samtamulak samaj,” “samrasta,” “equality and fraternity”, “dignity for all”, “equal opportunities for all”, and “affirmative action for the marginalized”, we talk about Babasaheb’s seminal contribution. “Annihilation of Caste” is regarded as one of the most important works of Ambedkar.
Caste has undergone many changes since Independence era. With State-sponsored affirmative action programmes, social movements, political mobilisations, democratization of political system, urbanization and increased economic opportunities, Caste is no longer as rigid, and the Social System is no longer as stratified as it was seventy years ago. Today, Caste identities are aligned more as horizontal identities, and the ritual hierarchy element of Caste is gone for good. We have become more equal, open and democratic.
Yet, even today, atrocities on Dalits are commonplace. Many a time, Dalit grooms are not allowed to take out wedding processions. Honour killings continue to happen. Instances of inter-caste marriage, though on the rise, are still few.
There are many well-meaning scholars who also talk about the “functional” utility of Caste. The preponderance of certain social groups, say, in a Top 100 list of Indian wealth creators is cited as an indicator of “certain social groups and castes being entrepreneurial”. It is similarly argued that certain social groups have helped create industrial clusters. Such scholars go on to argue that “caste is good economics but bad politics”. Such arguments, however, don’t factor the larger fact that the very mention of Caste invokes “hierarchy” (even if ritual hierarchy has weakened), where human beings are regarded more as “Homo Hierarchicus”.
On his birthday, whether it is BJP or Congress, BSP or SP, or regional parties, every political formation invokes Babasaheb and vows to uphold his ideals.
In the history of the anti-Caste movement, there are multiple schools and strands. There are Reformative movements which include Bhakti movements and Sanskritisation movements. Alternative movements include Conversion movement. Another strand is about economic aspects. The current thrust on Dalit entrepreneurship and the concomitant social change is a good example.
In terms of philosophies, mobilization techniques, and political parties espousing the cause, there have been multiple experiments, whether in the South, or in Maharashtra, or in UP. Of these, BSP has attracted considerable attention with multiple studies mapping its rise with the Kanshiram phenomenon, taken forward by Mayawati.
In the present context, however, it is the BJP model of Social Justice, Inclusion and Diversity that merits a closer, deeper look. UP provides an interesting case study for the same.
Studies have mapped how Narendra Modi-led BJP made deep inroads into various Dalit communities, like it did into OBC groups and Upper Caste groups. The BJP model lays a lot of stress on harmonious coexistence of diverse social groups while striving for an equal social order. This is in contrast to the Conflict Model which sees various social groups’ interests at conflict with each other. This also provides an interesting contrast to attempts made in the past to bring different social groupings under one umbrella where “patron-client arrangement” defined diverse groups’ ties.
BJP has often said that the Narendra Modi Government Model of governance strives to reach the last man in queue. With the Government now working towards “saturation reach” of its welfare measures, it is argued that it will also work towards making Caste, especially its divisive influence, irrelevant.
While every Dalit, indeed, every Indian, is proud of Babasaheb and his lifelong struggle, there is evidence on ground that there is a churn in Dalit consciousness, which also informs political choices and preferences.
In the 1930s, Babasaheb talked about renouncing the Hindu religion. He had appealed to the community: “…You have nothing to lose except your religion”.
On a different occasion, in reply to a question on why he adopted Buddhism as his religion, he is quoted as having said: “…By remaining a Scheduled Caste citizen, one accepts the status of the Outcaste. I have felt that through the faith of the Buddha which doesn’t believe in the Hindu God Brahma, (one) can aspire to be (a) human being free of dogmas, obscure myths and legends! One can pursue knowledge! One can disown casteist heroes of the Hindus like King Ram, avtar of Vishnu Bhagwan…”
Three important findings from CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey 2022 for recent UP elections, to quote a recent example, point to the churn in Dalit consciousness and the consequent shift.
One, in response to the question “how important was Ram Temple issue while deciding on voting,” two-thirds of those who said “it was a very important or quite important issue when deciding the vote”, backed BJP.
Two, according to the CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey, 21 per cent of Jatav population voted for BJP in the state elections, up from 8 per cent in 2017. The community is traditionally known to back BSP. Among non-Jatav SCs, 41 per cent voted for BJP, up from 32 per cent in 2017.
Three, the survey notes that “while BSP was the most preferred party among Dalit voters, Dalit beneficiaries were proportionally higher in number who supported BJP than non-beneficiaries from the Dalit community”.
Someone could argue that there is nothing new in this. For, the foundation stone for the Ram Temple was laid by a Dalit. While the UP elections and the post-poll survey are a random, one-off example, it is relevant because it is the most recent one.
Taken together, the three findings, perhaps, indicate a churn and a shift in Dalit consciousness. These indicate that while Babasaheb Ambedkar remains, and will always remain, one of the tallest icons and an inspiration, sizable sections of common Dalits also identify with Maryada Purushottam Ram. Will a Dalit priest at Ayodhya’s Ram Temple, then, give a decisive push towards a truly equal social order?
Ambedkar, in addition to Gandhi, Patel, Netaji, and more recent examples like Deendayal, has been among iconic nation-builders and inspirations. On Babasaheb Ambedkar’s jayanti, a grateful nation remembers him and vows to uphold his ideals and values for which he worked through his life.
(The author, a JNU alumnus, is a political analyst. Views are personal)
